Damaged cars that three Iranian scientists were riding in when they were killed in bombings over the last three years are displayed outside a conference hall hosting the meeting of Non-Aligned Movement, in Tehran, Iran, Aug. 26, 2012. Iran says the attacks against its scientists are part of a covert campaign by Israel and the West to sabotage its nuclear program, which the U.S. and its allies suspect is aimed at producing nuclear weapons.
The drums of war have pounded all summer in the Israeli media, although their rhythm is increasingly discordant given the near unanimous opposition reported among Israel’s military and security leadership to a unilateral strike. The very public nature of that push-back from Israel’s security establishment may have damaged the reputations of Netanyahu and Barak, with a steady stream of Israel’s most respected former security chiefs making media statements questioning their judgement, motivations, strategic competence and even sanity. Gen. Uri Sagi, who served as head of military intelligence under Barak, last week offered some distinctly unflattering assessments of the personalities of his former boss and the prime minister, and questioned “whether Israel can rely on the judgement and mental stability of its current leaders to guide it in time of war.” Such jibes have fueled a furious backlash from other quarters insisting that political leaders, not generals, will make the decisions — but that has hardly stopped the steady stream of statements questioning the war talk by the political leadership.
Another former Clinton Administration official, Mideast negotiator Aaron David Miller, concurs that Israel won’t take military action before November. “For the time being,” he writes, “it’s far less risky to maintain the status quo. Sanctions are tough and may get tougher, cyber and covert war have had some effect, and the unraveling situation in Syria… has isolated Tehran even further. Meanwhile, the Israelis can keep the world focused on their agenda and on the edge of their collective chairs, worried about a military strike and perhaps willing to do even more to hammer the Iranians.”
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The Obama Administration continues to urge restraint, and has certainly escalated its sanctions pressure on Iran in part to placate the Israelis by assuring them that there’s a viable alternative path to stopping Iran attaining nuclear weapons. The President has also offered public assurance that the U.S. will take military action if Iran moves to build a nuclear weapon — which, of course, it is not currently doing, despite steadily accumulating the means to build a bomb, with its ever-expanding capacity to enrich uranium shortening the time-frame that would be required. The IAEA is expected to report later this week that Iran has installed hundreds more centrifuges in its reinforced plant at Fordow, built deep in a mountainside near Qom, thereby considerably expanding its capacity to produce nuclear fuel beyond the reach of Israeli bombs — news that will, no doubt, fuel another round of saber-rattling.
Still, the Administration — and, indeed, Israel’s security establishment — argue that there’s still time for sanctions and diplomacy to avert a crisis. But with little sign that the sanctions, painful as their impact has been on Iran’s economy, are changing Iran’s nuclear calculations; and the existing negotiation process essentially stalled, there’s little sign that either current negotiations or current sanctions are going to change the game any time soon.
That’s why President Obama — and, indeed, Gov. Mitt Romney — got some sobering advice from former Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns, who had led the Bush Administration’s efforts to deal with Iran.
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“The negotiating channel we have tried for six years now — a multilateral with the United States as one of six countries under European Union leadership — has produced no results and tied the hands of American negotiators,” Burns warned. That made it urgent, he argued, for the U.S. to “begin an extended one-on-one negotiation with all issues on the table. The United States should aim for the sustained and substantive talks it has not had in the three decades since American diplomats were taken hostage in Iran… To attack a country before we have had our first meaningful discussions since 1979 would be shortsighted, to say the least.”
Mindful of the politics of the current standoff, Burns also recommended that Washington “take the reins of this crisis from Israel to give us more independence and protect Israel’s core interests at the same time… We should reaffirm our determination to protect Israel’s security. But the United States, not Israel, must lead on Iran during the next year. It is not in America’s interests to remain hostage to Prime Minister Netanyahu’s increasingly swift timetable for action. We need the freedom to explore negotiations with Iran on our own slower timeline before we consider force.”
Snatching back the Iran file from an Israeli leadership that insists on Israel’s independence in making the key decisions over its security, however, is far easier said than done at the best of times. It may be politically impossible before November.
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